The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu

Frans Wiggermann

This paper examines the demons Pazuzu and Lamaštu from a cognitive science perspective. As hybrid creatures, the iconography of these demons combines an array of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic properties, and is therefore marked by a high degree of conceptual complexity. In a technical sense, they are what cognitive researchers refer to as radically "counterintuitive " representations. However, highly complex religious concepts are difficult in terms of cognitive processing, memory, and transmission , and, as a result, are prone to being spontaneously simplified in structure. Accordingly, there is reason to expect that the material images of Pazuzu and Lamaštu differed from the corresponding mental images of these demons. Specifically, it is argued here that in ancient cognition and memory, the demons would have been represented in a more cognitively optimal manner. This hypothesis is further supported by a detailed consideration of the full repertoire of iconographic and textual sources.

Lamaštu is known as a baby-snatching demon that attacks especially children and pregnant women but also men and cattle. Rituals and apotropaic amulets were used in Mesopotamia, Anatolia and the Levant to protect persons and animals from this malevolent demon. These amulets were canonized in Assyria during the 1st millennium BCE. As a result, elaborated amulets depicting Lamaštu herself and several Zwischenwesen (urigallū, ugallu and lulal, apkallu and Pazuzu), as well as the afflicted patient and the āšipu-priest were created. This paper aims to examine the congruency between iconographic narrative and performed ritual. Furthermore, the visual perception of the magico-religious imagery of the amulets will be examined by identifying the agents and recipients of the pictorial message. By untangling the levels of visual communication and embedding them into ritual context, some light is to be shed on one of the most intriguing subjects in the ‘Arcane Arts’ of Mesopotamia.

This paper focuses on two inscribed Pazuzu-head amulets. One is an unpublished bronze object which originates from the collection of Charles-Louis-Marie de l’Écluse, kept in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France since 1906. The other, which was bought in Baghdad and given to the Musée du Louvre by G. Maspero in 1883, was published by le Père J.-V. Scheil in 1894. The two Pazuzu-head amulets bear different versions of the Standard B incantation, named “Die akkadische Beschwörung” by R. Borger. The present paper analyses the characteristics of the two amulets and compares their inscriptions to other examples known from cuneiform tablets originating from Nineveh, Sultantepe, and Uruk, as well as to the other Pazuzu-head amulets. The different versions of the Standard B incantation allow us to date and identify their Assyrian or Babylonian background and their sphere of application.

Das geistige Erfassen der Welt im Alten Orient Beiträge zu Sprache, Religion, Kultur und Gesellschaft Nach Vorarbeiten von Joost Hazenbos und Annette Zgoll herausgegeben von Claus Wilcke 2007 Harrassowitz Verlag · Wiesbaden Inhalt Statt eines Vorwortes Altorientalistische Jubiläen in Leipzig ............................................................... 7 SPRACHE Dietz Otto Edzard† Die altmesopotamischen lexikalischen Listen – verkannte Kunstwerke? .......... 17 Hans-W. Fischer-Elfert Wort – Vers – Text Bausteine einer altägyptischen Textologie ......................................................... 27 Manfred Krebernik Zur Entwicklung des Sprachbewusstseins im Alten Orient ............................... 39 Walther Sallaberger Benno Landsbergers „Eigenbegrifflichkeit“ in wissenschaftsgeschichtlicher Perspektive ....................................................... 63 Annette Zgoll Wort-Bedeutung und Bedeutung des Wortes. Von den Leipziger Semitistischen Studien zur modernen Akkadistik ............... 83 RELIGION Joost Hazenbos Der Mensch denkt, Gott lenkt Betrachtungen zum hethitischen Orakelpersonal ............................................... 95 Silvin Košak Ein Blick in die Bibliothek des Großen Tempels in Hattuša .............................. 111 Doris Prechel Heinrich Zimmerns Beiträge zur Kenntnis der babylonischen Religion ............ 117 Frans A.M. Wiggermann The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu......................................................... 125 6 Inhalt GESELLSCHAFT UND POLITIK Eva Cancik-Kirschbaum, „Menschen ohne König ...“ Zur Wahrnehmung des Königtums in sumerischen und akkadischen Texten .. 167 Philo H.J. Houwink ten Cate The Hittite Usage of the Concepts of ‘Great Kingship’, the Mutual Guarantee of Royal Succession, the Personal Unswerving Loyalty of the Vassal to his Lord and the ‘Chain of Command’ in Vassal Treaties from the 13th Century B.C.E. ............................................................................ 191 Claus Wilcke Das Recht: Grundlage des sozialen und politischen Diskurses im Alten Orient 209 RECHT Eva Dombradi Das altbabylonische Urteil: Mediation oder res iudicata? Zur Stellung des Keilschriftrechts zwischen Rechtsanthropologie und Rechtsgeschichte................................................................................................. 245 Hans Neumann „Gib mir mein Geld zurück!“ Zur rechts- und wirtschaftsgeschichtlichen Bedeutung keilschriftlicher Privatarchive des 3. Jahrtausends v.Chr. .................................................. 281 MATHEMATIK Joachim Oelsner Zur Mathematik des alten Mesopotamien ........................................... 301 INSTITUTSGESCHICHTE Joachim Oelsner Leipziger Altorientalistik: 1936-1993 ............................................................... 315 SCHLUSSWORT Gernot Wilhelm Bemerkungen zum Selbstverständnis der Altorientalistik als Nachwort zum Leipziger Kolloquium ....................................................................................... 331 Abkürzungen ...................................................................................................... Indices ................................................................................................................ 341 349 The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu Frans A.M. Wiggermann Amsterdam § 1. Introduction: The problem of Pazuzu’s origins The most striking fact about Pazuzu is his sudden appearance somewhere in the Iron Age1. Since the iconography and demonology of the previous ages are well known, and since their character is generally conservative, this sudden appearance cannot be due to a coincidental weakness of the preserved evidence, but suggests that Pazuzu’s origin lies in a conscious act, in a purposeful break with the past, necessitated presumably by the observation of a gap in the fabric of Mesopotamian magic and its visual expression. It is precisely this break with the past that stands in the way of a simple and straight-foreward solution to the problem of Pazuzu’s origins; any solution will somehow suffer from the discontinuity implied by invention, from the gap between the deduced forerunners and the actual novelty. The gap can be narrowed, and the creative moment defined, by investigating the historical conditions for Pazuzu’s existence, and by deriving the motives for his creation from his nature and use. The nature of Pazuzu is twofold, and the components are only superficially integrated. On the one hand he functions as a domestic spirit, while on the other he is a wind-demon, by nature at home outside the ken of human habitation. As a domestic spirit Pazuzu takes up the functions of his Bronze Age predecessor uwawa2, and like uwawa’s, Pazuzu’s apotropaic power resides in his head, in its malformed inhuman ugliness deterring unwelcome visitors. The importance of the head is evidenced by the ritual texts, where representations of it are prescribed against a variety of evils, and by the fact that the number of actual heads far exceeds that of complete figures. Pazuzu differs from uwawa, however, in being specialized against the lilû wind-demons, specifically Lamaštu. As king of the winddemons and a wind-demon himself his task is to pacify his unruly subjects and to order them back to where they came from. Pazuzu’s two roles are neatly contrasted 1 2 N.P. Heeßel, Pazuzu (2002); F.A.M. Wiggermann, Pazuzu (2004). C. Wilcke, uwawa/ umbaba (1972-75). 126 Frans A.M. Wiggermann on a Lamaštu amulet (no. 13): The domestic apotropaion is represented by the head on top, staring into the sick-room where the amulet was posted4, while the winddemon is shown in the “narrative” scene below, chasing the demoness back to the netherworld. The two components of Pazuzu’s nature are integrated by the mythology of the incantations that serve to bring his image to life5. There he is represented as a scary but in essence well-meaning traveller (the wind-demon), who seeks the hospitality of people and in return safeguards their homes6 from unwelcome visitors (the apotropaic domestic spirit). In the incantation written on representations of his head Pazuzu identifies himself: “I am Pazuzu, son of anpu, king over the evil winddemons (lilû).” This introduction ensures his entry into the house of his human host, and at the same time legitimizes him in the face of his unruly subjects, the raging winds. Coming upon one of them hiding in the house he reminds it: “I, the one that drives out Evil and exits Fate, [the house] that I enter, Headache and Disorder may not approach and harass it.”7 Basically, however, Pazuzu remains a wind-demon, and the incantations employ metaphors to transform him into a domestic spirit. This is shown clearly by a variant of the previous incantation8: I am Pazuzu, son of anpu, king of the evil wind-demons (lilû), I ascended a mighty mountain that quaked, and the (evil) winds that I ran into there were headed West. One by one, I broke their wings. It does not require a great stretch of imagination to recognize that the “mighty mountain that quaked” is the belly of the pregnant woman, on which Pazuzu’s head looks down from her necklace, and that the winds that blow there are the perils that threaten her and her baby, specifically Lamaštu9. Thus, from his nature and use, it can be concluded that Pazuzu is in origin a wind-demon, adapted for domestic use by mythological metaphors. As will be seen below, the antecedents of his image confirm this conclusion: His body is that of the earlier West wind, while the adaptation to domestic use appears in the head, a development of the head of uwawa. The process of adaptation, the fusion of head 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 F.A.M. Wiggermann, Lamaštu (2000) 219 note 11, Fig. 6. F.A.M. Wiggermann, Lamaštu (2000) 243f. R. Borger, Pazuzu (1987). F.A.M. Wiggermann, Lamaštu (2000) 229, 244. R. Borger, Pazuzu (1987) 22ff., 48-90, bilingual. R. Borger, Pazuzu (1987) 24ff., 102-109. § 5.39c. The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu 127 and body, has left traces in the iconographical record, and will be discussed below in conjunction with the meaning of his name, his parentage, and the motives for transforming the West wind into an opponent of Lamaštu. First, however, the largely misunderstood iconography of the winds must be put in order. § 2. The four winds and the antecedents of Pazuzu Point of departure for a discussion of the winds is a cylinder seal presumably carved in Sippar in the late 19th century B.C.10 The seal is dominated by four giant winged beings, surrounding a smaller weather god on a water-spitting lion-griffin. That the conjunction of these four beings with the weather god is no coincidence, is shown by a series of contemporary and later seals, on which these elements co-occur with rare consequence11. Moreover, in 6 out of 9 cases in which the name of the original owner is known, it contains a reference to the weather god12, or to an element related to the iconography of the seal13. The obvious identification of these four beings with the four winds14 is corroborated by a more detailed observation of the iconography. The group consists of three males and one female. According to the Adapa legend (MB, of older origin) the South wind is feminine (referred to with -ki and -ša), while the other three winds are her brothers, and masculine15. This at first sight somewhat surprising division of labour has its roots in the Babylonian language, in which the North (ištānu), East (šadû), and West (amurru) winds are formally masculine, while the South wind (šūtu) is formally feminine16. The linguistic derivation of the latter provides a further clue for understanding the iconography: šūtu is derived from šâ’u, “to fly about, to flutter, to circle (said of birds and winds),” which explains the entwined legs of the female winged being, who thus without any doubt is the South wind17. 10 11 12 13 14 § 5.7. § 5.41. § 5.41. § 5.10. Already F.A.M. Wiggermann, Mischwesen (1993-1997) 239f., in the context of winged beings in general. 15 S.A. Picchioni, Poemetto (1981) 145ff., s.v. a u, kappu, šūtu. 16 The gender of the winds as mythological beings is sometimes at variance with their grammatical gender. In G. Meier, Keilschrifttexte (1937-1939) 143, ii 24ff., the south and North winds are the loved ones (narāmti, fem.) of respectively Ea and Sîn, the East and the West winds the loved ones (narammu, masc.) of respectively Anu and Ea. 17 The relation between šâ’u and the actual Mesopotamian South wind (§ 2) is less obvious. 128 Frans A.M. Wiggermann The identity of the other winds can be established on the basis of their position and appearance. To begin with, it is clear that the four form two groups: The South wind and a partly theriomorphic wind opposite her, and the two others, both anthropomorphic but for their wings, and one of them bent-over. The natural solution, that the wind opposite the South wind is the North wind, and that consequently the two others are the East wind and the West wind, is confirmed by the texts, which virtually always group South with North and East with West. Corroborating evidence comes from the positive identification of the bent-over figure as the West wind. The unique, unnatural, and not obviously purposeful attitude of the bent-over figure, the “acrobat,”18 needs a highly specific explanation, which again is to be found in the translation of language into image. A lexical tradition going back to the Early Dynastic period19 transmits a distinct set of names for the four winds, in which the winds are designated (among other) as p i r i ⌉ “light lion,” or u 4 - m e n “crowned day-demon,” and distinguished from each other by adjectives or participles20. In all versions of this tradition the West wind is distinguished from the East wind by a negation of the defining characteristic: He is “not perfect ( š u d u 7 )”, “not rising from the ground (k i - t a - è ),” “not straight up (s i - s á ).” Only the latter occurs elsewhere in the lexical corpus21, and in a religious text (Enūma Eliš IV 46, garbled). Above, it was established that the bent-over figure must be either the East wind or the West wind, and now the cited lexical tradition enforces a decision: The bent-over figure is the West wind, the “not straight up” and crooked one. Below, we will see this crookedness recur in the genealogy of Pazuzu22. The purpose of the acrobat’s not obviously purposeful attitude then is simply to translate an adjective into an image, and thereby make the figure known as the West wind. That it is not the other way round goes forth from the fact that the words are much older than the image. The identification of the winds and the determination of their linguistic and cultural background lead to the following conclusions: • since it is the Babylonian language and the Babylonian lexical tradition to which the images owe their iconography, they must be a Babylonian invention; although it is true 18 19 20 21 22 So B. Buchanan, Snake Goddess (1971) in his treatment of this group. MSL 17, p. 44 note 1. MSL 17, p. 30:66ff.; p. 44; Malku III 187ff. MSL 17, p.156:158. § 3. The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu • • 129 that in the Late Bronze Age their distribution gravitates to the north23, this does not indicate a northern or urrian origin24. the group must have been created at a specific time and place, probably under some sort of priestly supervision. The place is likely to have been Sippar where the group first appears, and the date the 19th century B.C.25, the date of its first appearance. Since a seal is hardly the place to introduce new elements of religious iconography, the images must have been presented to the public through some other medium, statuary for instance, created under the supervision of the priesthood of Adad, in whose temple the group would be naturally at home26. the direct and unequivocal symbolization of natural elements by mythological beings suggests that other mythological beings, too, may have had a comparable symbolic value, and, more generally, that mythology was consciously manipulated in order to express notions of natural philosophy27. Although the group as a whole does not, and, in view of its linguistic affiliation, could not have a history prior to the second millennium B.C., the personification of the winds does appear to have third millennium roots. Likely forerunners of the wind gods occur already in ED II (§ 5.1, 2), and one mastering human enemies is an adjunct of Adad and Šala on an Akkadian seal (§ 5.4). Gudea refers to the North wind as a “man (n i t a ) with enormous wings (á - d i r i ),”28 and such a figure in fact accompanies Adad and the rain goddess on a contemporary seal (§ 5.6). The scimitar this figure holds connects him to OB images of the North wind holding a dagger (§ 5.7, 8), and probably links up with a piece of folklore preserved in Maqlû V 85, where the North wind scatters the clouds as gallāb šamê “shearer of the skies.” That in fact the strong and the cool North wind is expected to clear the sky is shown by an omen cited in a Neo-Assyrian letter29: “If the sky is cloudy (adir), (even though) the North wind is sweeping across it (rakib), there will be a banquet of Nergal, and (consequently) the cattle will diminish” – an abnormal situation apparently, and therefore not a good sign. As a group of four the wind gods are very rare. Together they occur thrice in the OB period (§ 5.7, 8, 9, the latter two incomplete), and once in the Late Bronze Age, 23 § 5.41. 24 Contra B. Buchanan, Snake Goddess (1971) 13; E. Porada, Remarks (1979) 2, 5, 6; D. Collon, Catalogue (1986) 176; D. Parayre, Definition (1993) 514. 25 § 5.7, 8, 9. 26 R. Harris, Ancient Sippar (1975) 146: Cult of Adad in Sippar. 27 For social and psychological abstracta encoded in art see F.A.M. Wiggermann, Scenes (1996) 219 (Conflict, Struggle, Zeal, Grief); F.A.M. Wiggermann, Naked Goddess (1998-2001) (aspects of the soul). 28 Gudea Cyl. A XI 22. 29 ABL 4, 405:14; cf. LAS no. 64. 130 Frans A.M. Wiggermann on the seal of the Arrap an king, It i-Teššup (§ 5.17). The latter seal shows the variability of the East and the North winds that is facilitated by the presence of the unmistakable South and West winds, which defines the group as a whole. The East and the North winds of the It i-Teššup seal are unique, and do not recur anywhere else in the Late Bronze Age; on principle it remains possible, however, that unrecognized comparanda hide among the large and varied group of similar winged beings current at the time. On one occasion such a figure has a wind blown beard, which links him to the theme, but does not establish his identity as a wind god, since the wind blown beard has disappeared from the other wind gods of the period. A possible alternative identity for this and similar figures is that of a sage, a type known from the Neo-Assyrian period30. The uniqueness of the It i-Teššup East and North winds, the possible alternative identity of other winged anthropomorphic figures as sages, and the fact that none of the candidates co-occurs with a certain South or West wind suggest that the North and the East winds went largely out of operation before the beginning of the Late Bronze Age. Since in the Middle Bronze Age there is but one uncertain example of a North or East wind independent of the group (§ 5.16a, and now also § 5.6 end), it can be concluded that even then they had little personality by themselves. At the transition of the Bronze Age to the Iron Age the whole group looses its former iconographic integrity. That in the Iron Age there must have been other representations of the winds is indicated by Neo-Assyrian texts attesting to their presence in a cultic context31. Although there is no textual proof, the four winged gods dancing on griffins are likely successors to the earlier types (§ 5.3732). Of the two well defined types, the South wind is by far the more common one (§ 5.41). She is still recognizable as a wind goddess in the Late Bronze Age (§ 5.41, in a weather god context), but after that time loses her wings (§ 5.33, 34), and probably part of her previous identity. The expected relation of the South wind with Ea is confirmed by the texts33, and probably by the iconography, although the evidence is not too strong (§ 5.41, 33). But for the late loss of the wings, the South wind’s appearance is relatively stable (frontal face: § 5.16c, 30, 33). After the Middle Bronze Age she sometimes wears the horned crown of divinity (§ 5.17, 23, 25, 30, 32). 30 F.A.M. Wiggermann, Spirits (1992) 73ff., ūmu-apkallu; § 5.31b, cf. 33 with wind blown beard; 21a, b, c, 31a, possible sages. 31 B.J. Engel, Darstellungen (1987) 78, 239: together with kurību-griffins. 32 For candidates among the unidentified figures on Neo-Assyrian reliefs cf. F.A.M. Wiggermann, Spirits (1992) 79. 33 G. Meier, Keilschrifttexte (1937-1939) 143 ii 24: narāmti Ea, further evidence cited below. The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu 131 The bent-over acrobat, the other well defined type, shows a larger range of variation. The earliest form is at once the simplest: But for the wings it is completely anthropomorphic (§ 5.7, 9, partly broken). Already in the Middle Bronze Age the figure may have the talons of a bird of prey (§ 5.12), or a tail, and side feathers half way up his legs (§ 5.13). In the Late Bronze Age he has a feathered tail and bird’s talons on one seal (§ 5.17, with side feathers on the legs), while the feathered tail is replaced by a scorpion’s stinger on one or two others (§ 5.18, 20); in addition he may have bull’s ears (§ 5.20). In the Babylonian South he disappears after the Middle Bronze Age, in the North he survives until the fall of the Mitannian Empire (Nuzi sealings). The faltering personality of his upright peer, the East wind, and the addition of secondary characteristics such as a tail, a scorpion’s stinger, and side feathers on the legs, create an opening for a different representation of the West wind, one without the once defining bent-over attitude, but still recognizable by the secondary features. It seems that in fact there is such a figure on a limestone slab from the OB or Mitannian temple at Tell al-Rimah (§ 5.38a). In any case, it is the West wind of the Mitannian North that comes closest to Pazuzu in time, place, and form; the difference between the West wind and Pazuzu lies in the head. The presence of the essential wings makes the addition of further avian features to these bird-like creatures understandable (talons of a bird of prey, feathered tail, side feathers). Less understandable is the appearance of a scorpion’s stinger on the West wind of the Late Bronze Age. A possible explanation lies in the constellation associated with each of the winds34. According to MUL.APIN II i 68ff.35 these are Ursa Major for the North wind, Piscis Austrinus for the South wind, Scorpio (mul⌈ÍR.TAB) for the West wind, and Perseus and the Pleiades for the East wind. For a period each year around the Spring equinox the Pleiades rise in the morning at the eastern horizon, while Scorpio sets at the western horizon. If in fact the scorpion’s stinger on the West wind derives from the associated constellation, the scorpion’s stinger that occurs once on another wind (§ 5.17; cf. also the scorpion’s stinger on the abūbu-dragon) must have a different reason. Literary traditions rooted in the Third millennium suggest the existence of alternative images of the winds that were far more theriomorphic than the basically anthropomorphic ones of Middle and Late Bronze Age art36. Such monsters (representing violent weather phenomena) are in fact attested in Akkadian art (§ 5.4, 5), and their successors in later art presumalby retained (part of) their symbolic value. The Late Bronze Age witnesses the creation of a new monster of that type, 34 W. Horowitz, Geography (1998) 206. 35 Latest discussion by W. Horowitz, Geography (1998) 198ff. 36 G 36ff., for MB and SB, e.g., see J. Friedrich, Bruchstücke (1930) 12, l. 13ff.; SBTU 3, 59 obv. ii 8ff.; SBTU 4, 124 obv. iii 8ff.; CT 16, 19:12ff. 132 Frans A.M. Wiggermann the abūbu-dragon, who represents the flood (violent weather phenomenon!), and looks like a lion-griffin (another storm-dragon) with a scorpion’s stinger instead of a feathered tail37. The Arabic cognate of abūbu (habūb) denotes the sand storm. On the mythological and religious properties of the winds, the texts are characteristically reticent. Besides that they are kin, “sons of one mother,” nothing is known about their genealogy38. Basically they are supernatural travellers, at home in the wide world outside. As such they are once called the “messengers of Anu, the King.”39 In G A 36 ff. (and B 38ff.) they have learned the roads on earth from above, and on the initiative of Utu guide Gilgameš on his journey to the cedar forest. In a ritual against the “murderous foes” that a traveller expects to meet on the way, he seeks the support not only of Adad, the Lady of the steppe (Bēlet-Sēri), and 40 d KASKAL.KUR, but also of the four winds . The incantation in an unpublished royal ritual against human enemies (BM 98561) invokes the South and East winds as guardians; here as elsewhere (G. Meyer, Keilschrifttexte [1937-1939] 143 ii 32) the winds are represented by passū, some sort of figurines. A South wind mastering animals is the main theme of a seal inscribed with a ulbazizi-type incantation (§ 5.32) “Marduk is the god who looks after me.” The context suggests that this image had an apotropaic value. The iconography matches the image of the winds presented by the texts. They support the king in the field, both in battle and on the hunt (§ 5.14, 28). This reminds of a Sumerian proverb41, in which the East wind is called the “friend of Narām-Sîn.” The seals confirm the great outdoors as the natural habitat of the winds by showing them surrounded by wild life (§ 5.7, 11d, 12, 13, 14), or mastering animals (§ 5.25, 26, 27, 32, 33, 35). In the latter function they recur in a ritual against field pests, in which the winds are entreated to lead “the dogs of Nin-kilim” (the field pests) to the “latch of heaven,” where the heat of the sun will roast them (A.R. George, Field Pests [1999] 299). The winds are but occasionally thought of as supernatural beings, and rarely supplied with the determinative for gods42, or with the horned crown of divinity (only in Late Bronze Age). Dal amun “Whirl wind” is a name of Adad43, and of his 37 38 39 40 41 42 U. Seidl, Flut-Ungeheuer (1998). G A 36; family relations implied by Adapa Legend cited § 1. CT 16, 19:26f., and duplicates. G. Meier, Keilschrifttexte (1937-1939) 143 ii 25; SB. SP 4.9, B. Alster, Proverbs (1997) 114. A.L. Oppenheim, Prayer (1959) 283, l.40; D. Macmillan, Cuneiform Tablets (1906) 655, l. 16, 18; cf. R.D. Biggs, Commentary (1968) p. 56 commentary 18. 43 An = Anu ša amēli 57 and passim. The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu 133 divine groom44. In a passage that with slight variation recurs in various texts45 each of the winds is associated with a god: The South wind with Ea, the East wind with Enlil, the North wind with Ninlil (var. Adad and Ninurta), and the West wind with Anu. The meaning of these associations is unclear, however, and only that of the South wind with Ea has currency elsewhere. The characters of the individual winds undoubtedly relate to the realities of the Mesopotamian plains46. According to a Sumerian proverb47 the North wind is the wind of satisfaction, the South wind overthrows the men it hits, the East wind is the wind that brings rain, and the West wind is mightier than the man 48 living there. The cool North wind, the “shearer of the skies,” is generally held in good repute. Gudea expects him to blow favourably from the mountains49; in the theodicy the speaker tells his friend “your insight is a North wind, a pleasant breeze (manītu) for the people.”50 Esarhaddon, beleaguering Uppumu on an unfavourable day, is beset by the onslaught of an Evil Day(-demon), who sets fire to the ramp; then, the king assures us, on the order of Marduk the North wind, a “pleasant breeze of the divine lord blew for me, and turned the tongues of fire back to Uppumu.”51 The South wind is a hot humid wind blowing in from the Indian Ocean, and often accompanied by thunderstorms; after the North wind, it is the most frequent wind in Southern Iraq. In winter, the rains brought by the South wind are a welcome and necessary addition to the water needed for agricultural purposes, in summer the humid heat (up to 50°), referred to as “fever,” causes an immense lassitude, and aggravates ailments52. In line with modern experience the ancient South wind was felt to be sometimes good, and sometimes evil. Esarhaddon takes a positive view when he calls her the “breeze of Ea, whose blowing is favourable for performing kingship,”53 and in an SB incantation she acts together with the other winds against 44 An = Anu 3, 162, dupl. SBTU 3, 107:148; B. Alster, Incantation (1991) 83, commentary to line 93. 45 J. Nougayrol, Vents (1966); TIM 9 60 iii 2ff. 46 J. Neumann, Winds (1977). 47 SP 4.9. 48 B. Alster, Proverbs (1997) 114, slightly changed. 49 Cyl. A XII 22f. 50 W.G. Lambert, Wisdom Literature (1960) 74:67. 51 R. Borger, Inschriften (1956) 104 ii 5. 52 G. Roux, Adapa (1961) 16ff. 53 R. Borger, Inschriften (1956) 45 ii 3. 134 Frans A.M. Wiggermann murderous foes54. An unpublished Middle Assyrian text from Aššur may imply a minor cult55. In her evil aspect the South wind is probably the same as the alûdemon, who “covers the land.”56 Demonic South winds occur in bilingual texts57. In the proverb just cited the South wind “overthrows the men it hits.” In Maqlû V 82ff. the witch is imagined as a South wind carrying clouds, chased away by the “shearer of the skies,” the North wind; in Maqlû VII 458 the North wind is assisted by the West wind. The two least frequent winds, the East wind and the West wind, are correspondingly rare in the texts. The East wind is the “wind of prosperity, the friend of NarāmSîn” in the Sumerian proverb cited above, and the West wind is virtually ignored. On several thousands of Middle and Late Bronze Age seals the West wind occurs only eight times against the the South wind twenty-three times. He is a rare figure within a rare group. Apparently the image does not carry much weight, which means that it is free to be reused in a different context. § 3. The creation of Pazuzu The creation of the new apotropaic demon Pazuzu consists of two connected acts: Developing an image, and inventing a name and pedigree. As was argued above (§ 1), the resulting neophyte has a twofold character, on the one hand he is a winddemon, and on the other a domestic spirit. Now that the iconography of the Middle and Late Bronze Age wind-demons has been put in order, it may be asked what of Pazuzu’s appearance represents the wind-demon. The last West wind of the Late Bronze Age looks like a Pazuzu with a different head (§ 5.20), and thus it is Pazuzu’s body that represents the wind-demon, not the head. Since the apotropaic powers of the West wind are weak or non-existent (§ 2), those of Pazuzu must reside in his new head, an observation that is corroborated by the fact that the head alone is widely used as an apotropaion. Although Pazuzu’s head is a new invention, it must somehow be the successor of uwawa’s head, the only known Bronze Age monster head with an apotropaic function. In fact, Bronze Age art and Bronze Age texts attest to the existence of a relation between the two supernatural beings that both inhabit the same distant mountain in the West. In three out of nine cases the image of the West wind co-occurs with a uwawa head (§ 5.7, 54 55 56 57 58 G. Meier, Keilschrifttexte (1937-1939) 143 ii 24. V. Donbaz, Data (1988) 74f., spelled U18.LU; cf. also J. Nougayrol, Vents (1966). CAD alû A, discussion section; cf. A. Sjöberg, Collection (1969) 102f. CT 16, 19:12f. and duplicates; Lugale 81: i m - u l u 18- l u . Tz. Abusch, Image (1989) 46f. The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu 135 17, 38a), hardly a coincidence, but due to the nature of artistic expression the implied relation remains unspecified. A line from the proverb cited above (SP 4.9) may serve to underpin the a priori expectation of a common home: “the West wind is the wind that is mightier than the man living there” (in the West). The proverb refers to the Boogey Man uwawa in the same oblique manner as Gilgameš and uwawa A 1 does: “the mountain of the man living there.” That the composite image of Pazuzu did not find its final form at once, but remained in flux during the Iron Age, goes forth from the existence of variant trial Pazuzus with aberrant heads (§ 5.39a, 39b), which may be combined with regular Pazuzu heads on the same object. More generally speaking, the exchange of body parts and the creation of new types is a well attested phenomenon from the Late Bronze Age onwards59, so that the creation of Pazuzu’s image is not an isolated incident, put partakes in a tendency to adapt existing iconographical types to contemporary demands. The motive for Pazuzu’s creation must be looked for in his only practical use, which is as an apotropaion. Although the ritual texts tend to broaden the scope of Pazuzu’s apotropaic application, the incantations make it clear that his demonic adversaries are the evil wind-demons (lilû), over whom he has power by virtue of the fact that he is their king. As is evident from the amulets, however, Pazuzu’s arch enemy is Lamaštu, a far more potent foe than the faceless lilû’s. Originally Lamaštu was a monstrous baby snatching demoness, an independent figure without any special relation to other demons, or to a demonic opponent. In the Late Bronze Age, however, Lamaštu became a member of the lilû-class60, which changed the power structure of the demonic world. It is in this novel conjunction of evils that Pazuzu’s origin must be found: A new position opened up for an equally potent counter-demon, king over all lilû’s, a monster that would be able to force Lamaštu and her peers out of the house and back to the netherworld. The candidate should combine the properties of a domestic apotropaion, a kind of uwawa, with those of a tireless traveller back and forth to the netherworld, a kind of West wind. And indeed, that is what Pazuzu does. When it is kept in mind that the figure of the West wind made its last appearance in the Mitannian North, and that uwawa goes out of fashion in the Late Bronze Age, the evidence on the date and place of Pazuzu’s creation seems to converge on the Middle Assyrian Empire, the date and place of Lamaštu’s new image as well. That Pazuzu is not attested prior to the Iron Age may well be coincidence; the 59 abūbu, § 2, variant with la mu head: D.M. Matthews, Principles (1990) no. 401; below, § 5.38c. 60 F.A.M. Wiggermann, Lamaštu (2000) 227f. 136 Frans A.M. Wiggermann bilingual incantations can be taken to point to an earlier date, as well as perhaps his appearance in an alamdimmû omen61. The derivation of Pazuzu’s image from the “not perfect,” “not straight” West wind provides a definite clue to the meaning of his father’s name, anp/bu. The word looks Semitic, and has been considered to derive from Babylonian anāp/bu, “to be luxuriant.”62 This derivation makes no obvious sense, but there is a WestSemitic alternative in the root HNP, attested in Hebrew and Arabic63, and meaning “to limp, to be perverted.” A father called “The limping one” fits Pazuzu’s origin perfectly. For the word Pazuzu there are two possible solutions. The Neo-Assyrian PN Pazu-zu occurs once in a text from Tall Halaf64, and is explained by Zadok65 as deriving either from Aramaic pezôzā, “made of fine gold,” or from Aramaic PZZ, “to be impetuous, agile,” cf. Hebrew PZZ, “eilfertig sein.”66 The latter derivation fits the demon very well: Pazūzu, “The impetuous (or: agile) one.” Whether the NeoAssyrian names Ba-su-su and Ba-zu-zu reflect the same word must remain undecided67. The second solution is more fanciful; Pasusu would be derived from PSS, an unattested secondary variant of PSH, known in Babylonian from the noun pessû, “halt,” or “dwarf.” This would place Pasusu in the class of apotropaic dwarfs well attested both in Babylonia and in Egypt. In fact, on one well-made Lamaštu amulet (§ 5.39e) Pasusu has remarkably short legs, and in an inscription68 he calls himself “ú-GU-u , cripple.”69 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 W. von Soden, Tafel (1981) 5. CAD 75f.; AHw 320. HAL3 s.v. HNP II. TH 110 rev. 17. R. Zadok, West Semites (1977) 129. HAL3 s.v. PZZ. PNA 1/II 277, 279; all references courtesy Dr. R. Jas. AO 2490, see C. Frank, Köpfe (1910) 25f. quttulu to akû B ? The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu 137 § 4. Philology and the study of ancient art B. Landsberger70 has the following to say on the study of ancient art; I quote him in full: Demgegenüber erkenne ich die Priorität der Archäologie insofern an, als sie durch die Stilanalyse die Einfühlung in fremdes Wesen auch dann ermöglicht, wenn uns konkrete Gedankeninhalte nicht zugänglich sind; als sie dort, wo sowohl Bilder wie Texte vorhanden sind, unserer Erkenntnis der Kultur sozusagen eine zweite Dimension gibt (man denke etwa an Gudea’s Inschriften einerseits, seine Statuen und Weihobjekte andererseits oder an die Konzeption der assyrischen Kultur gleichzeitig aus Reliefs und Inschriften); als somit die instinktive Verhaftung der Künstler in einer nationalen Kultur durch die Stilanalyse der Bilder, trotz der Gedankenleere dieses Aktes, mit einer Unmittelbarkeit, Tiefe und Feinheit aufgespürt wird, wie sie weder der Texte interpretierende Philologe noch auch der aus stückhaftem Material konstruierende Historiker erreichen können. F.R. Kraus71, trying to define how Moortgat’s Tammuz should have been written, isolates two future tasks, one philological (simply a book about Tamūz), one archaeological. The description of the archaeological task consists of the Landsberger text cited above, introduced by a gloss of his own: Der Versuch, altorientalische Weltanschauungen, die wir nicht durch eine Literatur kennen, aus der im Sinne der Kunstwissenschaft verstandenen Kunst abzulesen, steht noch aus. The fact that Kraus cites Landsberger’s general rule and applies it to the specific problem of the ideal Tammuz book, reveals a glimpse of the usually secret creed of the Leipziger Schule, the outline of a responsible art history. The creed of the LS, however, is hard to understand. How could a book on Tammuz, written by a philologist and based on the texts, profit from an art historical study that has deduced a parallel universe from art alone – hopefully well understood im Sinne der Kunstwissenschaft, and not the flight of fancy produced by Moortgat and his likes. The two books would be incompatible. An example of what I mean is Landsberger’s reaction to Moortgat’s Gottkönig als Krieger, his designation of a well known iconographical type, the same as that called by E. Porada the “figure with the mace.” With this composite name Moortgat effectively defined a figure of Old Babylonian art, which looks like a king, but appears in the role of a minor deity, and is virtually always holding a mace, the attribute of a warrior. One may not like composite names, or assess the figure 70 B. Landsberger, Sam’al (1948) 87f. 71 F.R. Kraus, Moortgat (1953) 76. 138 Frans A.M. Wiggermann differently, but on principle there is nothing wrong im Sinne der Kunstwissenschaft with this type of descriptive designations. Landsberger, however, called Moortgat’s designation a Schreibtischgebilde, implying that Gottkönig als Krieger does not translate any Mesopotamian word, and therefore is a useless modern invention. Landsberger’s complaint reveals a real problem: the philologist tries to speak with the tongue of the ancients, whereas the art historian observes facts, and then formulates a modern opinion on the material at hand. The necessarily non-linguistic nature of this method is, I think, what Landsberger meant with the Gedankenleere dieses Aktes. In his statement of principle he hesitantly (trotz) accepts this Gedankenleere, but in practice, as with Moortgat’s Gottkönig als Krieger, he rejects it as useless. The philologist, in a way, is uncritical; he reconstructs ancient systems of theology, society or state, as they existed in the minds that used the language and produced the written documents. To say, for instance, that the invention of gods serves only the powerful, is beyond philology, an interpretation that it can never sustain, because what it uses, theology, serves to veil unpleasant truths, not to make them explicit. For pure art history in Landsberger’s sense, on the contrary, the words of the ancients are irrelevant, and the results can be only critical, that is they reveal a truth beyond what the object or figure expressed for the ancient viewer – a speechless, subconscious truth. The vocabulary of this type of art history may include terms like power relation, ostentation, and state formation, and even if the philologist acknowledges the Unmittelbarkeit, Tiefe und Feinheit of the culture conjured up by the art historian, he has no choice but to ignore it as useless: It all remains a hopeless Gottkönig als Krieger that can be matched with nothing in his vocabulary; or: each discipline remains caught in its own Eigenbegrifflichkeit. The heart of the matter is that the results of a pure art history are useless to philology, and vice versa. The two disciplines enter different material from a different angle, and the results do not fuse. The percept of the Leipziger Schule (Landsberger and Kraus) aggravates matters by demanding something from the art historian that the philologist cannot and will not use, it perpetuates the cleft, instead of trying to bridge it. This, to be true, is not to blame on the LS alone; the ill-feelings between philologists and art historians (archaeologists) are universal, in Classics, in Egyptology, and even in Maya studies, where they started immediately after the script was deciphered. My own method follows the practice of the Leipziger Schule, rather than its creed. It is rooted in a conscious application of linguistics to visual problems of “meaning,” which often boils down to the explanation of single figures by their lexical counterparts, or Gottkönig als Krieger by šēdu, to abide with the example. I can sum it up with one phrase: iconography is the continuation of lexicography with different means. The very real gap between philology and art history cannot be The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu 139 bridged by this method. Only big words can do the trick, the avoidance of which is the LS’s main reason of existence. § 5. Catalogue and comparanda Early Dynastic and Akkadian 1., 2. In his article on the Bird-Man, P. Amiet, L’Homme-oiseau (1952) 153 (Figs. 1 and 2), gives two examples (Fara Pl. 54f., SCS 471) of ED II “Bird-Men” that do not conform to the regular Bird-Man (cf. A. Green, Mischwesen [1994] § 3.2), who is rarely winged (P. Amiet, o.c, 164 Fig. 6, Syrian), and completely avian below the waist in the ED period (the legs become human in the Akkad period). The aberrant “Bird-Men,” or rather winged heroes, master animals on the two seals cited, and are the forerunners of the Akkadian examples mastering human beings (5.3, 5.4 both cited by P. Amiet, o.c., Figs. 14, 15). 3. Cylinder seal from Ur (UE II 325ff. no. 394): R.M. Boehmer, Entwicklung (1965) Abb. 340. Winged god mastering two humans and standing on a third (detail drawn); beside him is Šamaš with saw and rays, and a contest between two naked gods, the victor with rays. Akkadian. 4. Cylinder seal (VA 611, dealer): A. Moortgat, Rollsiegel (1940) no. 233; R.M. Boehmer, Entwicklung (1965) Abb. 333. Winged god mastering two humans and standing on a third; to his left Adad and Šala each on a lion-griffin, with in between them a lion-demon/ugallu pacing menacingly through the sky. The lion-demon is associated with Adad and Šamaš, sometimes an enemy of the gods, and impersonates violent weather phenomena (A. Green, Lion-Demon [1986] 169 no. 8, 156ff.; F.A.M. Wiggermann, Spirits [1992] 169ff.). As the expression of violent weather phenomena he is replaced by the lion-griffin on other Akkadian seals. 140 Frans A.M. Wiggermann 5. Cylinder seal (Hermitage, dealer): R.M. Boehmer, Entwicklung (1965) Abb. 364 (with previous literature). Adad and Šala on their lion-griffins, surrounded on all sides by liongriffins diving down from the sky (cf. 5.4). Akkadian. For a similar Akkadian seal with only one lion-griffin diving down see C. Uehlinger, Nackte Göttin (1998-2001) 61 Abb. 6. Neo-Sumerian 6. Cylinder seal impression on a tablet dated to Amar-Sin 6 (NBC 5613): BIN 3 627 (with drawing of the impression), B. Buchanan, Snake Goddess (1971) Pl. Id (photo), idem, Seals (1981) no. 679 (different photo), Owen, Gift Seal (2000). The inscription identifies the owner as Ibbi-Adad, a servant of the governor of Simurrum, Silluš-Dagan. Depicted are from right to left: Adad on his lion-griffin, a rain goddess (dressed) holding streams of water flowing down from above (cf. R. Mayer-Opificius, Sonne (1984) 203; F.A.M. Wiggermann, Mischwesen (1993-1997) 239), and a winged male figure with wind-blown hair, holding a scimitar. The rain and wind spirits in this procession replace Šala, Adad’s usual companion (cf. R.M. The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu 141 Boehmer, Entwicklung [1965] Abb. 367ff.; A. Vanel, L’Iconographie [1965] 173 Figs. 5-8; E.D. van Buren, Rain-Goddess [1959]; M. van Loon, Rain Goddess [1990]; idem, Rainbow 1992). That rain was in fact somehow expressed in contemporary art is shown by Ibbi-Sin’s dedication of a bowl to Nanna, which is adorned with bull-men, snakes (g u 4 - a l i m m u š b a ), and awful rain(-clouds) (š è g n í - ÍL) (FAOS 9/2 286: 19f.); the adjective indicates that these rain(-clouds) where depicted as monsters (5.4f.), rather than as (goddesses with) streams. An isolated North Babylonian North wind (lightning coming from his wings) occurs on a seal from Sippar (Klengel-Brandt, Wettergottdarstellung [2002] Abb. 3, OB) in a clear weather god context. Middle Bronze Age – Babylonian 7. Cylinder seal, said to have been acquired by E. Herzfeld near Borsippa (BM 134773): D. Collon, Catalogue (1986) no. 451; eadem, Impressions (1987) no. 867; B. Buchanan, Snake Goddess (1971) Pl. Ie (photos); E. Porada, Remarks (1979) Fig. 3 (drawing here reproduced). The four wind spirits have wind-blown hair, the north Wind holds a dagger or stick in his left hand, the entwined legs of the south wind end in lion’s paws, not snakes. In the field: priest with cup and pail, fly, uwawa head, la mu head, hedgehog, dog, lion-fishes, sun-disc plus crescent. The other elements in the field may serve to define the nature of the different winds: East wind with couchant (wild) bull and bezoar goat, West wind with couchant ram. The presence of uwawa and la mu heads may not be coincidental (cf. 5.17). On the basis of composition, style, and filling motives D. Collon, Catalogue (1986) 175f., ascribed this seal to a Sippar workshop, the same that produced 5.8 and 5.9 below. On the basis of 5.9 she dates the whole group to the late 19th century B.C. (eadem, Impressions [1987] 167 ad no. 782). She further suggests that the seal was “specially commissioned and made for a foreign, probably northern, merchant and dignitary.” Above, I have shown that the wind spirits are a Babylonian invention, so that the second part of this assesment cannot be upheld. 142 Frans A.M. Wiggermann 8. Cylinder seal impression on a tablet from Sippar dated to Samsu-iluna 27 (BM 79484A): L. Dekiere, Documents (1995) no. 401 (text, rent of an edakkum); D. Collon, Impressions (1987) no. 782; cf. eadem, Catalogue (1986) 176 ad 451. None of the parties or witnesses of this document (sealed with three seals) have a name containing Adad or Šala. Collon assigned this seal to a Sippar workshop (cf. 5.7), and dated it to the late 19th c. B.C. The West wind is probably to be restored to the left of the East wind, and the North wind to the right of the South wind, so that the composition parallels that of 5.7 (dotted lines in drawing). Parallels for a bull or lion (?) added to Adad’s lion-griffin date to the first part of the Old Babylonian period: F. Blocher, Siegelabrollungen (1992) no.s 22 (Immerum), 313 (Apil-Sin); 5.16b below (Tell Leilan). 9. Cylinder seal impression on a tablet from Larsa dated to Warad-Sin 9 (YBC 5698): B. Buchanan, Seals (1981) no. 763; idem, Snake Goddess (1971) Pl. Ia (photos) and Fig. 1 (drawing D. Osterle, redrawn). The complete scene probably showed all four winds, just as The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu 143 5.7 and 5.8 from the same workshop. The feet of the South wind end in serpent’s tails (E. Porada, Remarks [1979] 6 and Fig. 5), or at least are not marked as claws. 10. Cylinder seal impression on a tablet envelope from Sippar dated to Hammurabi 18 (VAT 902): VS 9: 11. E. Klengel-Brandt, Siegelabrollungen (1989) 294ff. no. 40c (drawing here reproduced). The owner of the seal is called Tāb-šār-ili “The breath (lit. Wind) of the god is pleasant” (for the relatively rare type see J.J. Stamm, Namengebung [1939] 234f.). Since the likelihood of an accidental co-occurence of a relatively rare PN type with an extremely rare iconographical type is negligible, the conclusion is warranted that the “god” in the name is Ea, whom the iconography honors by showing his benevolent presence (flowing vase) in the lower register, and his propitious “breath,” the South wind, in the upper one. 11. Details: a. Cylinder seal impression on an envelope from Tell Harmal (IM 63135): L. al Gailani-Werr, Studies (1988) 76 no. 60c, Pl. III-4. Introduction scene with a diminutive South wind between the introducing lamassu and the enthroned deity. b. Cylinder seal (VA 827, dealer): A. Moortgat, Rollsiegel (1940) no. 472; H. Frankfort, Cylinder Seals (1939) Pl. XXIXe; B. Buchanan, Snake Goddess (1971) 1 note 3 (early Old 144 Frans A.M. Wiggermann Babylonian on account of “quasi-modelled style”). Contest scenes (la mu with lion, lion with bull, lion-griffin with bull) with in between a diminutive South wind. c. Cylinder seal impression on an “unopened evelope” dated to Samsu-iluna 30 (HSM 109): D.G. Lyon, Seal (1906) 135ff.; A. Goetze, Texts (1957) 77 (text: share of inheritance); L. al Gailani-Werr, Table (1980) 76 no. 43. Diminutive South wind facing a king carrying a kid to an enthroned deity holding a stylus; behind the king a goddess with flowing vase and a diminutive la mu. None of the parties or witnesses of this document (sealed with seven seals) has a name containing Adad or Šala (the father of one of the witnesses is called Ipqu-Šala). d. Cylinder seal (Louvre, dealer): L. Delaporte, Musée (1923) A 387; cf. B. Buchanan, Snake Goddess (1971) 8f. (later Old Babylonian on account of linear style). To the left of the group shown in the drawing are two bull-men holding a double lion-scimitar standard. The South wind seems to be holding a lightning fork in its left hand. Northern Mesopotamian and Syrian 12. Cylinder seal impression on a tablet from Sippar dated to the reign of Samsu-iluna (IM 85875): L. al Gailani-Werr, W. al Jadir, Seal (1981) no. 69 (drawing here reproduced). That the sphinx-like being following the bent-over West wind is not a stand-in for one of the other winds is shown by the hair, which in contrast to that of the West wind is not wind-blown. The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu 145 13. Cylinder seal (Bible Lands Museum, Jerusalem; dealer): E. Williams-Forte in: O.W. Muscarella, Ladders (1981) 105f. no. 65 (assigned a North Mesopotamian origin, and dated to ca. 1850-1700). A weather god with lightning forks is accompained by three winged spirits with wind-blown hair, the middle one of which (West wind) is bent-over, and seems to have a bird’s tail rather than a scorpion’s stinger (contra R. Mayer-Opificius, Sonne [1984] 193 note 16). In the field are a lion, a bird, and a small quadruped, possibly a fox. The missing wind is the South wind. 14. Cylinder seal impression on a tablet envelope from Sippar dated to Hammurapi 14 (BM 16815A): CT 47:22a (drawing Diana Gurney), B. Buchanan, Snake Goddess (1971) Pl. IIc and 14f.; D. Collon, Impressions (1987) no. 730; L. al Gailani-Werr, Studies (1988) 93 no. 209c and Pl. XXXVII-II (drawing); B. Teissier, Sealings (1988) 171 no. 420 (drawing) and 120. Classical Syrian seal of the 18th century B.C.; its owner/user in the Hammurapi period was an ordinary witness with a Babylonian name, Sin-šeme, son of Awīl-ilī (Teissier). Conquering king supported by an armed semi-nude goddess, marching men, and the spirit of the South wind. 15. Cylinder seal (Beyrouth, dealer; present location unknown): F. Bisson de la Roque et al., Trésor (1953) 41 (drawing only, here reproduced); cf. B. Buchanan, Snake Goddess (1971) 7 note 38, 14 (Syrian, dated to before 1800 B.C. on the basis of style). The man- 146 Frans A.M. Wiggermann headed bird (a creation of the Iron Age) in combination with the ball-staff (limited to the Middle Bronze Age), and a spoked sun, throw doubt on the authenticity of this seal. 16. Details: a. Bronze beaker (Brooklyn Museum 75.29; dealer): published and discussed by B. Schlossman, Beakers (1974-1977) 151ff., 144 Fig. 2 (drawing; detail here reproduced), authenticity doubted by O.W. Muscarella, Lie (2002) 121 no. 11. The iconographic details – the leonine being on top of a lion-griffin in combination with a wind spirit (parallels see above 5.8) – inspire confidence both in the authenticity of the piece, and in Schlossmann’s assessment of its date (around 1850) and provenance (border, Iranian region). As a parallel for the wind god, B. Schlossman, o.c., cites an unexcavated silver cup (AO 22373: 156 and Fig. 21), for which she suggests an early second millenium date (late second millenium date proposed by B. Buchanan, Snake Goddess [1971] 10 note 46, and by E. Porada, Remarks [1979] 4). The wind god on this cup has a tail, leonine feet, and wind-blown hair, but lacks the essential wings, which in combination with the stylistic problems briefly discussed by E. Porada, Remarks (1979) 4 (citing P. Amiet: different from other “Amlash” material, special workshop postulated) indicts the piece together with its – said to be from Amlash/Marlik – peers exhibited and published by the Museé Rath, Trésors (1966) 95 no. 404 and Pl. 7; discussed and indicted by O.W. Muscarella, Lie (2002) 34 nos. 14-19. b. Cylinder seal impression on tablets from Tell Leilan dated to the 18th century B.C. (L 85-482, L 87-161): D. Parayre, Définition (1993) 514 and 529 Fig. 3. Parayre considers the “double dragon” (lion-griffin carrying a bull or lion, see 5.8, 5.16a) a northern feature, and on that basis assigns the seal to a northern workshop (see also D. Parayre, Tell Leilan (1989) 131 ad no. 15). Here and elsewhere the (winged) nude or semi-nude goddess may be replacing a South wind figure, but the two must not be merged into one type, since they can co-occure (naked goddess and South wind: 5.14, 5.17; winged naked goddess and South wind: 5.22). c. Cylinder seal impression on a tablet from Tell Leilan dated (after archaeological context) to ca. 1760-1740 B.C. (L 87-467): D. Parayre, Définition (1993) 514 and 529 Fig. 4 (here reproduced). Citing B. Buchanan, Snake Goddess (1971), Parayre assigns the figure with intertwined legs and the Tell Leilan seal to the north (see also D. Parayre, Tell Leilan [1989] 131 ad no. 16; a southern origin for this figure is suggested above). The en face representation is borrowed from the naked goddess (see provisionally C. Uehlinger, Nackte Göttin [1998], F.A.M. Wiggermann, Naked Goddess [1998], with previous literature and suggestions on functions, see also 5.30). The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu 147 Late Bronze Age – Northern Mesopotamian (Mitannian) and Syrian Cylinder seal impressions on Nuzi tablets dated to the 14th century B.C.: D.L. Stein, Seal Impressions ( 1993) no. 659 (Archive of Šilwa-Teššup no. 712); also D.L. Stein, Inhalte (1988) 177ff., 193, 203 Fig. 10 (discussion and drawing, details here reproduced); RIMA 1 335 (transcription and translation). The main components of the scene are a praying king (probably the owner of the seal himself, king It i-Teššup) under a sun-disc with crescent, and the weather god, in Nuzi Teššup, holding a lightning bolt and standing on his lion-griffin. The naked goddess in the lower right corner is his consort, in Nuzi Šauška, who is accompanied by a double-headed griffin-demon explained by D.L. Stein, Inhalte (1988) 180f. as one of her hypostases. There are four further winged Mischwesen present on the seal, two of which D.L. Stein, o.c., 177f., recognizes as the successors of the earlier west (a: „Vogelmensch“) and south (b: „Schlangengöttin“) winds, and two of which she dissociates from the group of four winds, undoubtedly because of their widely different images. The latter two are identified respectively as a winged scorpion-man (c), which he clearly is not (the scorpion-man has the talons of a bird of prey), and as a development of the Old Babylonian lion-fish (d), far-fetched and not supported by the actual image (on the earlier drawing, T. Beran, Glyptik [1957] 204 Abb. 107, he did have the tail of a fish). In fact, neither (c) nor (d) belongs to any of the established Mischwesen types, they are unica and occuring only here, which means that now as well as in antiquity their meaning depends completely on the present context. Thus, not withstanding the widely different images, they must be viewed as successors of the Middle Bronze Age North and East winds, defined by the presence of their clearly recognizable peers, the South and West winds. While wings in this period are a widely spread and well-nigh meaningless iconographic feature (F.A.M. Wiggermann, Mischwesen [1993-1997] § 5), it is the presence of fire/water (c), and lightning (d; see U. Moortgat-Correns, Kultbild [1988] 124f., Abūbu with lightning bolt) emanating from their mouths that establishes their character as weather phenomena, courtiers of the weather god and his consort. In the field is a uwawatype head just above the wing of the West wind and touching (c). The similar position of a uwawa head on 5.7 may not be coincidental (see above on the ancestry of Pazuzu). 148 Frans A.M. Wiggermann 18. Cylinder seal impression on a tablet from Nuzi: JEN 110, E. Porada, Seal Impressions (1947) 61 no. 730. Porada recognizes a weather god (Teššup) on a lion-griffin, the weather god’s bull in the upper field, and below that the “scorpion-man in acrobatic posture, bending his head to the ground.” The seal is owned and used by Tarmi-Teššup, the son of E li-Teššup (JEN 110:1, 11), whose name is followed in the seal inscription by a statement of personal piety: ša Adad [ša Šala], “of Adad, [of Šala].” 19. Cylinder seal impression on a tablet from Nuzi (SMN 2654): HSS 14 no. 24 (copy), pl. 117, no. 300 (photo); T. Beran, Glyptik (1957) 213f. Abb. 111 (drawing here reproduced); D.M. Matthews, Principles (1990) no. 473. Letter of Te ip-apu, the vizier, from the archive of E li-Teššup. The main figure resembles the West wind of 5.20 (bent-over), but there is no evidence for claws or a scorpion’s stinger, and no obvious relation to the weather god. Similar The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu 149 (claws, no tail or stinger) is a winged figure holding a lightning fork on a sealing from the archive of Šilwa-Teššup (D.L. Stein, Seal Impressions [1993] no. 258). The relation of these beings to the winds must remain undefined. 20. Cylinder seal impression on a tablet from Nuzi (SMN 1428): HSS 14 p. XIII (owned/used by utip-Teššup), pl. 111, no. 270 (photo); T. Beran, Glyptik (1957) 212f. Abb. 110 (drawing); B. Buchanan, Snake Goddess (1971) Pl. IIb (photo); D.M. Matthews, Principles (1990) no. 468 (drawing). Two heraldically doubled West winds (bull’s ears, scorpion’s stingers, talons) under a winged sun-disc from which water (R. Mayer-Opificius, Sonne [1984] 192f., 198f., 201, 206) flows down. In the centre of the scene (in the drawing on the left) is a weather goddess with double axe and lightning fork. 21. Details. Related figures: a. Cylinder seal impressions from Nuzi and Tell Brak: D.L. Stein, Inhalte (1988) 183f., 200, 209 Abb. 42 (drawing; detail here reproduced); RIMA 1 333 (transcription and translation); B. Salje, 'Common-Style' (1990) 116 (discussion). Seal of the Mitannian king Sauštattar. Bearded winged god (claws for feet) mastering lions; according to D.L. Stein, Inhalte (1988) 183f., Šauška in her male aspect (?). No obvious relation with weather god, sun-disc prominent, uwawa-type head in the field. b. Cylinder seal impression from Nuzi: D.M. Matthews, Principles (1990) no. 485 (drawing). c. Cylinder seal found in Greece: D. Collon, Impressions (1987) no. 274; D.M. Matthews, Principles (1990) no. 471 (drawing; detail here reproduced). No obvious relation to the weather god, sun-disc prominently present. 150 Frans A.M. Wiggermann 22. Cylinder seal impression on a tablet from Amarna (BM 29841): EA 30, E. Porada, Siegelzylinder-Abrollungen (1974-1977) Abb. 1a (photo), Abb. 1b (drawing here reproduced). The text is a passport for a messenger sent by an unidentified Mitannian king, probably Tušratta, whose sealing authenticates the document. South wind and winged naked goddess (see 5.16b). 23. Cylinder seal (Ermitage, dealer): E. Porada, Siegelzylinder-Abrollungen (1974-1977) 141 Abb. 7 (photo); W.H. Ward, Seal Cylinders (1910) no. 955 (drawing here reproduced); H. Frankfort, Cylinder Seals (1939) 267 Fig. 90; M. Matthews, Principles (1990) no. 475. South wind attended to by two naked heroes. The naked heroes are clearly some kind of spiritual beings, probably the variant la mu’s (type „Mann“) known from apotropaic art (F.A.M. Wiggermann, Exit talim! [1981-1982] 92); on 5.33 a relation to Ea is indicated by the presence of his carp-goats. A verbal relation between l ú - u 1 8 - l u “primitive man” (still uncivilized, and not dressed) and i m - u 1 8 - l u “South wind” is suggestive, but needs corroboration (see above note 54). 24. Cylinder seal from Alalakh: D. Colon, Alalakh (1982) no. 116. South wind attended to by two naked heroes. 25. Cylinder seal impression on a tablet from Nuzi: JEN 409, E. Porada, Seal Impressions (1947) no. 720; D.L. Stein, Inhalte (1988) 204 ad 13 (literature), 192 Abb. 13 (drawing here reproduced). The text identifies the owner/user of the seal as Tarmi-Teššup, son of Arteja. South wind rising over two lion-griffins. The South wind holds two objects (mirrors), which elsewhere in the same period are held by a nude winged goddess (D.L. Stein, Inhalte [1988] 177f. and Fig. 12), probably Šauška. 26. Cylinder seal (ex-Erlenmeyer collection, dealer): M.-L. Erlenmeyer, H. Erlenmeyer, Cerviden-Darstellungen (1957) Pl. XXX Abb. 56. South wind mastering wild bulls. 27. Cylinder seal impression on a tablet from Nuzi (SMN 626): HSS 14 no. 220 (copy), pl. 118 no. 301 (photo); cf. E. Porada, Siegelzylinder-Abrollungen (1974-1977) 141 note 36. The seal is owned and used by Arrumti. South wind with lion-griffin (unclear). The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu 151 152 Frans A.M. Wiggermann 28. Sculptured caprid’s horn from temple M-2 at Emar: J.-C. Margueron, Corne (1986) 159 Fig. 1 (drawing; detail here reproduced). The scene constitutes the second register (from the top down) of seven, all more or less completely preserved. The theme around which all images revolve is the royal hunt depicted in the fourth register; the South wind is probably the king’s supernatural supporter, just as she is that of an earlier king (5.14) and of gods (5.29). Although there are no caprids among the hunted animals depicted on the horn (bull, lion, gazelles, sphinxes), the horn itself is undoubtedly a hunting trophy, dedicated by someone (a king of Mitanni or of the Hittite/Assyrian vassal state anigalbat) to the god of temple M-2, presumably Šamaš (F.A.M. Wiggermann, Nin-šubur [1998-2001] 494, § 2.3). The Balikh area, the land arran, and the wastes of Mitanni near Araziqu are the traditional hunting grounds of later Assyrian kings (see provisionally W. Heimpel, Jagd [1976-80]). In the Epic of Gilgameš (VI 147ff.), Gilgameš dedicates the heart of the killed bull of heaven to Šamaš on the spot, and the horns to Lugalbanda after his return home. 29. Cylinder seal (ex-Moore collection, dealer), probably from western Syria or the Levant (on account of Egyptian influence): G.A. Eisen, Seals (1940) no. 159; B. Buchanan, Snake The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu 153 Goddess (1971) 8 (13th century Levant); E. Porada, Siegelzylinder-Abrollungen (1974-1977) 141 note 36 (agrees with Buchanan that the snake under her feet signifies the netherworld character of the snake-goddess). An undulating snake probably representing Jamm, the cosmic Sea (cf. C. Uehlinger, Leviathan [1990]; F.A.M. Wiggermann, Snake Gods [1997] 48f. ad 1e-h, with literature), is combatted by a weather god supported by the South wind (cf. 5.28). 30. Cylinder seal (BM 89332, dealer): W.H. Ward, Seal Cylinders (1910) no. 954 (drawing here reproduced); H. Frankfort, Cylinder Seals (1939) 271 Fig. 87; E. Porada, Seals (1948); eadem, Siegelzylinder-Abrollungen (1974-1977) Abb. 6 (photo), D. Collon, Impressions (1987) no. 868 (photo); probably from Cyprus (E. Porada, Seals [1948]; D. Collon, Impressions [1987] ad 868). B. Buchanan, Snake Goddess (1971) 1, dates the seal to the 15th century B.C., which seems too early to E. Porada, Siegelzylinder-Abrollungen (1974-1977) 141 note 36. The arc that houses the South wind is usually the shelter of a (semi-)nude goddess, the consort of the weather god (M. van Loon, Rain Goddess [1990]; M. van Loon, Rainbow [1992]). 31. Details: a. Cylinder seal from Ur (UE 10 no. 607), Kassite: D.M. Matthews, Principles (1990) no. 147 (drawing; detail here reproduced). No obvious relation to the weather god, no sun-disc. For a similar Kassite figure see D.M. Matthews, Glyptik (1992) no. 152 (A 29349, dealer). Babylonian b. Cylinder seal found in Thebes, Greece: E. Porada, Thebes (1981/1982) 57f. no. 30 (photo and drawing); D.M. Matthews, Principles (1990) no. 142. Winged genius with windblown beard (and without theriomorphic features), mastering animals; in the field a carp-sage and two carp-goats (see F.A.M. Wiggermann, Sage [forthcoming] on the magical function of the carp-sage on this and related Kassite seals). The wind-blown beard reveals the figure’s relation to the present subject, the magical context and the prayer to Marduk suggest an apotropaic function; the North wind is a suitable candidate (see above note 50), but the proliferation of the winged figures and their permutations need to be studied more closely. 154 Frans A.M. Wiggermann For parallel figures see D.M. Matthews, Principles (1990) nos. 148f., 203, 278, 361, D.L. Stein, Seal Impressions (1993) 214 C.8 (Nuzi, Kassite, Middle Assyrian); S. Herbordt, Glyptik (1992) Pl. 7/1-3; K. Watanabe, Seals (1999) no. 2.2.3 (Neo-Assyrian); B. Wittmann, Rollsiegel (1992) no.s 26 40ff., 46ff., 62ff., and passim; K. Watanabe, Siegel (1995) (Neo Babylonian); and below 5.37. c. Kudurru of the time of Melišipak, probably from Sippar (BM 90829): L.W. King, Boundary-Stones (1912) 19ff. and Pl. XXX Face D (photo); cf. U. Seidl, Kudurru-Reliefs (1989) 24, 221 no. 12; for the detail: 168f. no. XLIII. On this kudurru Marduk is represented twice, once by a kusarikku holding a spade, and once by a spade with tassels standing in front of the kusarikku; it may be suggested that Ea, too, is represented twice, once by the South wind, and once by the ram-headed crook standing in front of her. 32. Cylinder seal (collection J. Mariaud de Serres, dealer): J.-P. Grégoire, Inscriptions (1981) 5 and Pl. 21 no. 76 (drawing only, here reproduced). Grégoire dates the seal to the second dynasty of Isin. The inscription is a short apotropaic incantation: “Marduk is the god who looks after me.” Marduk in this period has assimilated much of the iconography of his father Ea (F.A.M. Wiggermann, Spirits [1992] 162). Neo-Babylonian The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu 155 33. Cylinder seal (AO 22350, ex-de Clerq collection, dealer): M. de Clerq, J.M. Ménant, Collection (1888) no. 357; W.H. Ward, Seal Cylinders (1910) no. 956; P. Amiet, Bas-reliefs (1973) no. 424 (drawings); D. Collon, Impressions (1987) no. 869 (photo). D. Collon, o.c., ad 869, dates the seal to the Neo-Babylonian period, other authorities prefer a Late Bronze Age date (P.R.S. Moorey, Plaques [1975] 21f.; A. Moortgat, U. Moortgat-Correns, Review [1970] 103; C.F.A. Schaeffer-Forrer, Corpus [1983] 20). The South wind is supported by two naked heroes, and has winged carp-goats on either side of her head (cf. 5.23); she is matched by a winged monster (with unique features), whose wind-blown beard reveals a relation to the wind gods. This seal and 5.34 are the only examples of the South wind without wings. Amiet draws the beard as a necklace. Neo-Elamite 34. Cylinder seal (AO 6516, dealer): L. Delaporte, Musée (1923) Pl. 85/9 A 607; D. Collon, Impressions (1987) no. 871. D. Collon, o.c., ad 871, dates the seal to the Neo-Elamite period; A. Moortgat, U. Moortgat-Correns, Review (1970) 103, prefer an earlier date. South wind without wings (cf. 5.33) intertwining her legs with two winged attendants (see 5.37). 35. Cylinder seal (AOD 115, ex-Dieulafoy collection; dealer) L. Delaporte, Musée (1920) Pl. 51/20 D. 57; D. Collon, Impressions (1987) no. 870. D. Collon, o.c., ad 870, dates the seal to the Neo-Elamite period; A. Moortgat, U. Moortgat-Correns, Review (1970) 103, prefer an earlier date. 156 Frans A.M. Wiggermann 36. Cylinder seal (MMA 1986.311.55, ex-Cherkasky collection; dealer): H. Pittman, Art (1987) no. 76; M. Stolper, in: H. Pittman, Art (1987) 80, for the inscription (IAd-da-a-a-bee ). Rare monster with wings, clawed forelegs, a scorpion’s stinger, and bovine hindquarters (see 5.38). Related material and Pazuzu 37. Cylinder seal (VA 7737), from a Neo-Babylonian level in Babylon: A. Moortgat, Rollsiegel (1940) no. 610, B. Wittmann, Rollsiegel (1992) 196f. no. 41 (cf. no. 42 with a single quite similar “dancing” figure mastering lions). The lower bodies of the winged gods are in turn bovine (or leonine ?) and human, but their harmonious co-operation shows that they belong to the same mythological class. The natural interpretation of these four dancing figures as winds is corroborated by the appearance of their likes in the same context: 5.31b (wind-blown beard), 5.33 (wind-blown beard, accompanying South wind), 5.34 (supporting South wind). 38. Scorpion-Man: a. Limestone orthostat found out of context in Tell al-Rimah: C. Postgate et al., Excavations (1997) 26 and Pl. 8b (probably from the Level 3 temple dating to the Old Babylonian period); cf. T. Howard-Carter, Interpretation (1983) 72 (ca. 1800 B.C., Pazuzu); A. Green, Note (1985) (Scorpion-man/girtablullû). The figure is certainly not a Pazuzu, and probably not a girtablullû (F.A.M. Wiggermann, Spirits [1992] 180f.; idem, Mischwesen [1993-1997] § 7.4; A. Green, Mischwesen [1993-1997] § 3.4), since the latter appears winged only in the Iron Age, and even then not always (e.g. A. Green, Note [1985] Pl. X). Moreover, if the piece is correctly dated to the Old Babylonian period, this would be the only Old Babylonian girtablullû known. Thus, although the evidence is of the negative type, it is preferable to view the Rimah figure as one of the winds, probably the West wind. For the uwawa heads guarding the entrance to Tell al-Rimah temples see T. Howard-Carter, Interpretation (1983). b. Cylinder seal impression on a Middle Assyrian tablet from Nineveh, dated by the līmu to the 12th century B.C.: N. Postgate, Texts (1973) 16f. and Pl. XVa, b (līmu BU.UT-nu). Unwinged Late Bronze Age girtablullû. The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu 157 c. Cylinder seal impression on a Middle Assyrian tablet from Assur, dated to the time of Tiglath-pileser I: A. Moortgart, Glyptik (1944) 39 no. 40. Unwinged Late Bronze Age girtablullû with la mu head. The same exchange of heads occurs in the case of uwawa, who may have a la mu head on Late Bronze Age and Iron Age seals (W.G. Lambert, Gilgamesh [1987] Pl. X-20, VII-3, 6). 158 Frans A.M. Wiggermann d. Cylinder seal impression from Hasanlu IVB (ca. 9th century B.C.): M. Marcus, Lips (1994) 11 Fig. 2; for the (disputed) date see I.N. Medvedskaya, Destruction (1991). Winged early Iron Age girtablullû. e. Neo-Hittite relief from Karkemiš: PKg 14 Abb. 354b (ca. 950/850 B.C.). Winged early Iron Age girtablullû. 39. Pazuzu: a. Neo-Babylonian Lamaštu amulet (no. 2) said to be from Surġul or Warka: A. Green, Lion-Demon (1986) no. 116 (good photo and comments). Pazuzu has an aberrant, leonine face, while a regular version of his head is fitted onto the side-mount(s) on the upper edge of the plaque. b. Neo-Babylonian Lamaštu amulet (no. 29): A. Green, Lion-Demon (1986) no. 117 (good photo and comments). Abberrant Pazuzu with taurine horns, ears, and hindquarters, and the feet of a bird of prey; the head overlooking the obverse is too corroded for identification, but stands in the place of a Pazuzu head on other Lamaštu amulets, and does not resemble the aberrant Pazuzu head on the reverse. A further aberrant Pazuzu (two upper bodies, two heads) is found on a Neo-Babylonian amulet from Warka (Lamaštu amulet no. 53). c. Neo-Babylonian amulet: A. Green, Lion-Demon (1986) no. 206. Regular Pazuzu guarding the entrance to the sick room together with a lion demon (ugallu) and the god Lulal (F.A.M. Wiggermann, Pazuzu [2004]). The incantation on the other side is the one in which Pazuzu introduces himself: “I am Pazuzu, son of anpu” (above 1). d. Pendant from an Early Bronze Age grave at Tall al-Raqā i: S. Dunham, Beads (1993) 244f. Anthropomorphic figure with large eyes and a wide grin showing teeth (description Dunham; detail not visible on published photograph). Dunham treats the finds from this grave as reflecting an early Lamaštu-type exorcism. The grinning “demon” fits in as the functional equivalent of Pazuzu. e. Neo-Assyrian Lamaštu amulet from Nimrud (no. 58): M.E.L. Mallowan, Nimrud (1966) I 117. The Pazuzu on the reverse of this well-worked stone amulet has a fat body and remarkably short legs. The whole image gives an impression of crippled slowness, rather than of windy speed. 40. Electrum globlet from north-west Iran (AO 20281, dealer): A. Parrot, Acquisitions (1958) Pl. XV. The globlet shows double-headed winged feline monsters with entwined bodies, holding horned animals by their tails; it is sometimes cited in connection with the iconography of the winds (P.R.S. Moorey, Plaques [1975] 24 and Pl. IVc), and is certainly relevant, in as far as it is not a forgery (O.W. Muscarella, Lie [2002] 41 63a). Similar, but not identical, beings occur on seals from Tchoga Zanbil (E. Porada, Tchoga Zanbil [1970] no. 40: lion-griffin mastering animals; no. 41: double-headed lion griffin without wings mastering animals). A double-headed feline monster mastering animals occurs on a Lamaštu amulet on exhibition in the British Museum (WA 132520); because it is not winged, and because Lamaštu herself can be a mistress of the animals (Lamaštu-amulet 60, from Byblos), the double-headed monster represents Lamaštu, rather than a variant Pazuzu (double-headed on Lamaštu-amulet 53). Another forgery is a Neo-Hittite stele in Jerusalem (O.W. Muscarella, Lie [2000] 193 no. 28); it shows a semi-nude goddess holding a spear (Šauška), and flanked by a South wind. 41. Summary: The table summarizes nos. 1-32. Except for 5.35 (which might belong to the Late Bronze Age), the Neo-Babylonian and Neo-Elamite examples (5.35-5.37) show too many aberrations (South wind without wings) to be profitably summarized. In the table W designates the presence of the weather god (Adad or Teššup) or/and his consort, the (semi-)nude goddess (Šala or Šauška); w-b means wind blown hair or beard, m-a means mastering animals; gods between brackets are somehow implied by the iconography; the last column gives the owner’s names, in as far as they contain relevant elements. The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu 159 Frans A.M. Wiggermann 160 Early Dynastic and Akkadian 1 2 3 4 winged god/hero winged god/hero winged god winged god m-a m-a mastering humans mastering humans [ [ contest lion demon ] ] Šamaš W – – – – W Ibbi-Adad W W ? Ea – Other Neo-Sumerian 6 winged hero w-b, holds scimitar rain goddess Middle Bronze Age: Babylonian 7 8 9 10 11a b c d four winds four winds four winds S-wind S-wind (small) S-wind (small) S-wind (small) S-wind (small) 12 13 14 15 16a c W-wind N-, E-, W-winds S-wind S-wind ?-wind S-wind 17 18 20 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 four winds W-wind W-wind (doubled) S-wind S-wind S-wind S-wind S-wind S-wind S-wind S-wind S-wind w-b, N holds dagger [w-b], N holds dagger w-b, [ ] [ ] [ ] w-b [ ] [ ], holds lightning animals, uwawa [ ] [ ] contest introduction contests audience Udug, Lamma (Ea) W Tāb-šār-ili ? – Other – Middle Bronze Age: Northern Mesopotamian and Syrian w-b w-b [ ] sphinx, animals animals conquering king man-headed bird w-b W W W lily-topped staff ? – Sin-šeme – – ? Late Bronze Age: Northern Mesopotamian and Syrian fire, lightning animal features m-a, holds mirrors m-a in arc uwawa W W W W naked heroes, tree (Ea) naked heroes, contest (Ea?) lion griffins (W) winged bulls lion griffin ? (W?) royal hunt, contests cosmic battle W W It i-Teššup Tarmi-Teššup utip-Teššup Tušratta – – Tarmi-Teššup – Other Royalty – – Late Bronze Age: Babylonian 31c S-wind 32 S-wind m-a lions, tree Ea? – Ea – /Marduk? The Four Winds and the Origins of Pazuzu 161 Bibliography Abusch, Tz.: The Demonic Image of the Witch in Standard Babylonian Literature. The Reworking of Popular Conceptions by Learned Exorcists, in: J. Neusner (ed.), Religion, Science and Magic in Concert and Conflict, Oxford (1989) 27-58. Alster, B.: Incantation to Utu, in: ASJ 13 (1991) 27-96. –– Proverbs of Ancient Sumer. The World’s Earliest Proverb Collections, Bethesda (1997). 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