0 calificaciones0% encontró este documento útil (0 votos)
2K vistas9 páginas
U.s. Interest in Mexico has rarely been consistent or profound, says l.b. Casagrande. America's southern neighbor is on a collision course with itself, he says. He says The Five Nations of Mexico Regional dynmnics.
U.s. Interest in Mexico has rarely been consistent or profound, says l.b. Casagrande. America's southern neighbor is on a collision course with itself, he says. He says The Five Nations of Mexico Regional dynmnics.
U.s. Interest in Mexico has rarely been consistent or profound, says l.b. Casagrande. America's southern neighbor is on a collision course with itself, he says. He says The Five Nations of Mexico Regional dynmnics.
Like their ancestors before them, South Mexlco's Indians are noted for their fine weaving.
The Five Nations
of Mexico Regional dynmnics have set An1erica 's southern neighbor on a collision course with itself Louis B. Casagrande 2 Focus 37P Z-1 (!1/nJ J t I ! I ! + c'\ l I j j lf i 0 ~ I f you ask your friends to name five different locations in Mex- ico, you'll likely hear the names of .orne larger cities and beach re- sorts: Mexico City, Guadalajara, Aca- pulco, and Cancun. Ask them about current events in Mexico, and you'll probably hear about Mexico's huge foreign debt and drugs. Ask them to freeassociate with ",\1\exico," and you'll probably be told, "Don't drink t h ; _ ~ water," "Tacos and enchiladas," "r. :mpant poverty," or 11 Fernando Valenzuela." What you will not hear from most people is any considered analysis of what Mexico is today. But this is not surprising. Our interest in Mexico has rarely been consistent or pro- found. Americans took an interest in ,,, -,xico during the ,v\exican-Ameri- c- , War of 1846-47, when a U.S. vic- tc:y led to the acquisition of nearly Pacific Ocean Mexamerica New Spain Metromex South Mexico Club Mex half of Mexico's territory. They also took notice when Mexico erupted in revolution between 19"10 and 1917, and Pancho Villa raided New Mexico. For the greater part of our history, though, Mexico has been a mysteri- ous neighbor whose Spanish and In- dian roots have presented an unfath- omable contrast to our own Anglo- European traditions. But no longer can Americans ig- nore Mexico. With a population of Many American leaders now say that improving our relations with Mexico is second in importance only to our dealings with the Soviet Union. 80 million, Mexico is nearly four times larger than Canada. Half of the Mexican population is under the age of 19, compared to a U.S. median age of 31. Moreover, a whole range of complex issues-from illegal migra- tion and drug trafficking to Mexico's foreign debt and the debate over Central America-demands that we pay more attention to Mexico, that we begin to penetrate the mystique of our "distant neighbor." Many American leaders now say that im- proving our relations with Mexico has become a major challenge, sec- ond in importance only to our deal- ings with the Soviet Union. Yet how should we perceive Mex- ico? Should we merely define it as 31 states south of the Rio Grande? Should we simply memorize Mexi- co's topography, climate, economy, and ethnic groups? Absolutely not. The Five Nations of Mexico u.s. A. "' "' ., ., .., -;. "o ~ Monclova 00 0- o Monterrey \ r Gulf of Mexico Puerto Escondido Spring 1987 Metromex is the religious as well as the political center of Mexico. These antiquated constructs may ac- tually do us more harm than good, because they focus on a Mexico that no longer exists. To understand mod- ern Mexico, \Ve need a more sophis- ticated view of our southern neigh- bor-a view that acknowledges the country's increasingly diverse cul- tural, political, and economic geo- graphies. just as writers and scholars have recognized profound regional differences in the United States and Canada, we need to define and ana- lyze the regional differences and dy- namics that make up Mexico today. Far from being an undifferentiated nation with a monolithic culture, Mexico is actually a federation of five distinct nations, each \Vith its own boundaries and major cities, each with its own goals and priorities. Covering all of current Mexico and spilling over into contiguous parts of the U.S., Guatemala, and Belize, these five nations are: !11etromex, greater Mexico City, the most pow- erful nation of the federation; Mex- america, the progressive northern nation that straddles the U.S.-Mexi- can border; South Mexico, the pre- dominantly Indian nation, resistant to change; New Spain, the densely populated, colonial heartland of the federation; and Club Mex, a constel- 4 Focus lation of resort enclaves that dot both coasts. By highlighting the differ- ences among these five nations, \Ve can begin to shed our simplistic im- ages of Mexico in favor of a more complex and revealing portrait of our long-neglected southern neighbor. Metromex With a population over 18 million, Metromex consumes the entire Val- ley of Mexico, encompassing the Federal District and the surrounding 45 municipalities of the state of Mex- ico as well as the industrial corridors northwest to Queretaro, northeast to Pachuca, east to Puebla, and south to Cuernavaca. Before the Spanish Conquest, a great, shallow lake made the Valley of Mexico one of the rich- est in the world. Now, the dried-up bed of Lake Texcoco provides the dust that mingles with the smoke of 100,000 factories and the exhaust of nearly 3 million vehicles, creating one of the most toxic environments knO\V11. Smog has not yet diminished the primacy of Metromex. One-half of all the industry of the Mexican Federa- tion is located here. Metromex ac- counts for 38% of the GNP. The head- quarters of government, banking, commerce, television, sports, and music are here, while the Basilica to the Virgin of Guadalupe, north of downto\vn Metromex, is the preem- inent shrine of Mexican Catholicism. With such a concentration of eco nomic, political, and cultural activity, it is not surprising that the popub- tion of Metromex has doubled in le; than a decade, despite its unhealthy environment, or that nearly 3,000 im- migrants arrive each day. By the latest count, almost one out of every four Mexicans calls the Metromex home. (An equivalent single metropolis in the United States would have 48 mil- lion residents, roughly the popula- tion of the Boston-Washington me[! alopolis on the East Coast.) Metromex society reflects the con- sequences of unequal growth. The rich live in fashionable suburbs, shop at the most exclusive French and Ital- ian shops, have private satellite dishes, and participate in a cosmo- politan lifestyle equal to the high life of Ne\v York, Paris, or Rome. The middle classes have also fared well. The 2 to 3 million government em- ployees, business people, and un- ionized workers have been the key supporters and beneficiaries of the ruling political party, PRI (Partido Revo/ucionario lnstituciona/), in I p a d s tl ( t ~ t ( j I I ~ I l ) I ~ I )), I '
I I I I
0 0 l0 (0 < ~ -... t .t:\ . r "WW :f I power continuously since 1929. With salaries often supplemented by graft and corruption, the Metromex mid- dle classes exemplify the economic security and consumerism to which the lower classes aspire. While the upper and middle classes are small and privileged, the base of the social pyramid remains huge and immobile. It has been es- timated that over 50% of the Metro- mex poor live without running water in their one-room homes. About 40% lack access to health care. Nearly25% do not have enough to eat. Providing for the poor presents a monumental problem for Metromex managers, but the poor continue to arrive, and the middle class recently has begun to question if Metromex can survive. But Metromex does survive mainly because it continues to draw on the allegiance and resources of its neigh- boring nations. It extracts minerals, chemicals, steel, beef, and fuel from Mexamerica. From New Spain comes grain, vegetables, workers, and water. It receives hydroelectric power, coffee, tropical foodstuffs, more workers, and fuel from South Mexico, and Club Mex provides dol- lars to pay its international debt. Thus, Metromex is the voracious me- tropolis of a colonial empire. It jus- tifies its political and economic power by citing the precedent of the Aztecs and by evoking the national- istic ideals of independence and the Mexican revolution. .' i .... -] - 1FifJI07 ----- r ,\-fetromcx is a study in contrasts, the legacy of a colonial empire. >. ~ f ' .<: "g. 't Mexamerica Mexamerica is the great rival to Metromex. Straddling the U.S.-Mex- ican border, Mexamerica has a pop- ulation of nearly 38 million, less than 3% of which is Indian. The northern boundary of Mexamerica runs from East Los Angeles up through the San Joaquin Valley, then south and east to Santa Fe and across central Texas through the cities of Austin and Houston. The southern boundary runs from the Pacific coast, south of Mazatlan, east to the cities of San Luis Potosi and Tampico. The interior of Mexamerica features little water and great desert expanses broken by rug- ged mountains. Within this sparsely settled land are the booming, mod- ern industrial cities of El Paso-Ciudad Juarez, San Antonio, Chihuahua, and Monterrey. Mexamerica historically has been beyond the full control of Metromex. The early ranchers and miners of the north were lords of fiefdoms never firmly under the central Colonial government, a pattern that contin- ued throughout the politically unsta- ble 19th and early 20th centuries. Iso- lated geographically and politically, the nortefios became independent and self-reliant, traits that still define the special character of this newly urbanized nation. The independence of Mexamerica is most visible in its new middle class, who look not to Metromex but to the north for their role models. They speak with pochismos, a combina- tion of Spanish and English (push6n equals "push," troca means "truck"). They cheer for the Dallas Cowboys and Los Angeles Dodgers, they go to video night clubs, and they eat ham- burgers and hot dogs as well as bur- ritos and goat. Those who live south of the border now demand more po- litical participation in the Mexican Federation, mainly through the more conservative PAN, the Partido de Ac- ci6n Nacional. Middle-class Mexi- cans in the United States also seek greater influence. Mexican food, clothing, music, and architecture characterize much of the American Southwest, and increasing numbers of Mexican Americans have been elected to major political posts in California, New Mexico, and Texas. The economy of Mexamerica is di- versified and relatively strong. The U.S.-Mexican border, for instance, is Spring 1987 5 ---------- - big business. Each year 6 to 8 million people-tourists, legal and illegal mi- grants, contrabandistas (smugglers). and industrial developers-pump billions of dollars into the border economy. Over the past decade, hundreds of U.S. businesses have crossed the border as part of the ma- quiladora, or in-bond industrializa- tion program, which allows U.S. manufacturers to use cheap Mexican labor to assemble and export prod- ucts made from imported, duty-free raw materials. Although a recent slide in the value of the Mexican peso has made the border less attractive, Ia frontera remains a critical source of economic and political power. Commercial agriculture in western Mexamerica is also impressive. Along the coastal plains of Sonora and Sinaloa, huge irrigated farms, jointly owned by Mexican and U.S. corporations, use the latest in high- tech farm machinery to grow grains, vegetables, and cotton primarily for the American market. Further inland, over the Sierra Madre Occidental, the cattle and lumber industries have also been modernized, further stim- ulating the growth of commerce and finance throughout the region. The northeast of Mexamerica is heavily industrialized. Monclova has one of the largest steel mills in all of Latin America, but Monterrey is the premier industrial city. Well known for their business acumen, the re- giomontanos, as the people of Mon- terrey are called, have diversified from beer and steel to petrochemi- 6 Focus Outdoor markets are part of the traditions to which South Mexicans cling (above). Mexamericans, in contrast, model the U.S. in recreation (below) as well as in economics. cals, packaging, building products, and banking. The regiomontanos have weathered various economic crises of the Mexican Federation and have recently completed a renova- tion of the downtown district that combines abstract sculptures with refurbished colonial facades. With a growing awareness of its own potential, Mexamerica seeks ways to maintain and expand its eco- nomic development while absorbing migrants from its less-developed ru- ral areas. Its future in the Mexican Federation is openly discussed, and it challenges the prerogatives and symbolism of Metromex as the tra- ditional seat of power. South Mexico If Mexamerica is the progressive rival to Metromex, South Mexico is the relatively impoverished natiol' resistant to change. The n o r t h r ~ border of South Mexico runs east from the Pacific coast, north of Aca- pulco, to the Gulf of Mexico, skirting south of the cities of Cuernavaca and Puebla. The southern border incor- porates those portions of Guatemala and Belize that have been within the Mexican sphere of influence since Colonial times. South Mexico haoc , population of about 15 million, hcil of which is Indian (Nahuat, Zapotec, Mixtec, and Maya). and most of which is poor. Unlike Mexamerica, which has several large cities, South Mexico has only a few medium-sized cities. Oax- aca, Tuxtla Gutierrez, Villahennosa, and Merida serve mainly as region.: service centers, not as centers of in tensive industrialization. The great majority of the population lives in small towns and villages or in scat- tered hamlets located in more inac- cessible zones that range from high mountains to tropical lowlands. The economy of South Mexico is predominantly agricultural, small- scale, and familial. Crafts are a rnai;, source of cash for many citizens of the south. The states of Oaxaca and ~ Chi a pas are well known for their pot- ~ tery, textiles, and wooden toys. ci Guerrero has its mask making. The ~ Yucatan produces henequen ham- r= mocks and Panama-style hats. Tour- I i ):t ))!\ ! ' t i I
ism is a source of income because of the many pre-Hispanic ruins, pictur- esque villages, and native festivals. But tourist development, like indus- trial development, requires capital that South Mexico does not have. Rather than looking elsewhere for their role models, the natives of South Mexico look to the past and fll cling to their traditions. The Indian W communities continue to eat corn tortillas and black beans and to wear .<!Ill; ,w, '"tt huaraches and handwoven cos- tumes, even though the modern sub- stitutes are now within their eco- nomic reach. South Mexico is still [;overned by the old system of polit- ical bosses who control local oppo- sition and deliver the votes for the PRI of Metromex. Even the Spanish spoken in the region tends to be slower and more conservative. In- dian words and concepts pervade conversations in the flowered and sunlit plazas. During the oil boom of the 1970s, o:outh Mexico experienced a flurry of new projects and interest from Me- tromex. A small, cosmopolitan mid- dle class began to challenge the pro- vincial middle class that has controlled the region since the Con- quest. With the collapse of the oil market in the early 1980s, however, most projects were abandoned. Metromex mainly seeks to se- cure the southern border of the Mex- ican Federation against the pressures of illegal migration and contraband from Central America. South Mexico would like to exploit this concern to initiate independent development, but unlike Mexamerica, it lacks the real clout to seek self-control. New Spain With 30 million inhabitants, New Spain forms the densely populated, colonial center of "Old" Mexico. Un- like Mexamerica or South Mexico, New Spain features an elaborate web of large, medium-sized, and small cities, each with its own network of dependent villages. Most New Spain communities are centuries old, giv- ing the region an unequaled stability. Crisscrossed by small mountain ranges and blessed with abundant Water and arable valleys, New Spain has been the age-old breadbasket of the Mexican Federation. The large i.1rms of the Bajfo region grow wheat nd corn. The farms around Morelia . ... ......... - J. ...: ", - ..... : . New Spain's small-scale agriculture cannot keep up with the Mexamerican commercial farms. and Zamora produce a variety of fruits and vegetables. Thus New Spain has ample food to feed itself and still be the main provider to Me- tromex. In exchange for such provi- sions, Metromex offers New Spain industrial goods and favored status as a political protectorate. Unlike parts of Mexamerica, where political opposition has reached rebellious proportions, New Spain has re- mained faithful to the ruling PRI. No opposition party has ever won polit- ical control over a major city in the region. Although New Spain acquiesces to the political and economic power of Metromex, it has strong cultural tra- ditions. Residents of its dual capitals of Guadalajara in the west and Vera- cruz in the east have strong identities that date to the beginnings of the Colonial era. The tapatfos of Guada- lajara are known for their conserva- tive Spanish attitudes and for the te- quila, mariachi music, and rodeos that have become symbols of the Mexican Federation as a whole. The jarochos of Veracruz have main- tained a mixed Spanish Colonial and Black Caribbean heritage best ex- pressed in their unparalleled pre- Lenten carnival. The few remaining Indian communities of New Spain, such as the Otomi and Tarascans, still practice their pre-Conquest crafts and customs. But tradition alone does not solve problems. New Spain is overpopu- lated, undercapitalized, and gener- Spring 1987 7 ': ! : 1.5 million, not including the 2 n li on or so people who vi sit eJ," year. Before Club Mex achi eved in- t ernational status in the late 1960s and earl y 1970s, its residents vvere mainly shopkeepers, fi shermen, and craftsmen, \.Vith a minority directly involved in the f ledgling touri st trade. Aft er Club Mex took off, how- ever, a new set of jobs and income levels was introduced, sometimes t:-> the benefit of l ocals but mainly to the advantage of bilingual immi- grants, many from Metromex, who were specially trained to meet the demands of international tourism. While some stay at menial jobs, many of New Spain's young men go north to find lligher- paying work. Because Club Mex is the pet proj- ect of Metromex in coll aborati on \Vith the international touri st indus- try, it is seen by the other ,,s a seri ous competitor for scarce fed- eral tax funds. During the building of Cancun, for exampl e, residents of South Mexico joked sarcasti cally that todo Mexi co es Cancun (all of Mexico i s [given) to Canc(m) . They and others in Mexamerica and New Spain complained -that a dispropor- tionate amount of capit al was gai l .'.; to the resort to t he disadvantage or infrastructu ral proj ects in their re- spective domains. ally locked into an increasingly out- dated agricultural economy. The young men of New Spain make up 80% of t hose \vho go a/ norte to search for vvork in Mexarnerica or beyond. New Spai n does not create enough capital to sustain its own in- dust rial development, at least at a level to match its growing population or to rival Metrornex. And the tradi - t ion of small-scale family farming cannot compete in the export market with the hi gh-tech, high-yi eld com- mercial operations of Mexarnerica. Club Mex Unlike the other nations of the Mexican Federation, whose hi stori es are at least 400 years old, Club Mex is a new nati on, consisting of con- vert ed port towns (Acapulco, tv\azat- lan, Manzanill o), once-sleepy fi shing vill ages (Puerto Vallarta, Zihuata- nejo, Puerto Escondido, and Cozu- mcl), and brand-ne\V, pl anned tour- ist centers (Cancun and lxtapa) . Despite the differing origins of it s constituent parts, Club Mex is a na- tion in the same sense as the others because it refl ects a coherent pl an to create resort encl aves dedi cated to touri sts who bring millions of dollars in search of sun and relaxation . Through its various governmental agencies, Metromex has invested bil - lions of dollars in Club Mex. Private developers, both nati onal and inter- 8 Fo cus national, also have invested heavily in the potential of this new nation. Las Hadas, a resort near Manzanill o made famous in the movie Ten, was built by a Bolivian millionaire. Sher- aton Internati onal , Holiday Inn Inter- national, the VVestin Hotel s, and oth- ers have all built luxury accommo- dations in these maj or tourist desti - nations. Club Mex' s populati on is about / ,,..,,, I
. a . - While Club Mex is a competitor, it is also a market for the goods and services of the other Mexican na- tions. M exameri ca supplies building materials for the hotels and shop- Club Mex, with its tourist dollars, is a l'ital market for products from the rest of the Federation. I ! I mi lt I J ' 3 :l y t e ) ) ) 1 ' ' f I f ' ' f
,, ~ .-.. ' l'J),:'' . I ' .. New Spain is home to the landscape thought of by Americans as "Mexican." pi:"; malls and most of the beer and ";,,e for the resort restaurants. South Mexico has an outlet for its depressed craft industries in the new resort shops, and New Spain now sells some of its surplus food at premium prices. What is not known, {jj however, is to what extent Club Mex produces capital for reinvestment in arr.: of the other nations of the Mex- icdn Federation, or to what extent new jobs are created relative to the massive initial costs of jetports, highways, water, and sewage sys- tems. Of much greater certainty is the fact that, for millions of foreigners, Club Mex now is the primary "Mex- Ican" experience. How many Amer- itJns have been known to say, 11 0h, \t I've been to Mexico. We spent a lovely week at Canclin "? The five nations of Mexico present a complex arrangement of problems and possibilities far richer than any traditional view of Mexico as the b d of burros and sombreros. De- sl. I c a common heritage as a New World colony, the five nations have significantly different histories, economies, and evolving identities. At the moment, they relate to each other as rivals, allies, or colonies held together by political necessity. However, their conflicting trajecto- ries suggest that change is inevita- ble. Some predict radical change. Me- tromex, for example, could collapse unto itself from the sheer weight of its own internal problems. Mexa- merica would then become the cen- ter of economic and political power. New Spain would probably have to realign itself with the politically more conservative and northward- looking Mexamerica. South Mexico would most likely be ignored and grow poorer. In the chaos, Club Mex would go independent. Others foresee a less dramatic fu- ture. Metromex could reach a new understanding with Mexamerica, based on a more democratic, two- party political system and a less na- tionalistic economic relationship with the United States. If this should happen, New Spain might fall be- hind, given its decreased political importance to Metromex. South Mexico would be developed more in line with the Mexamerican model of private capitalism, leaving the "backward" Indians on de facto res- ervations. And Club Mex would be- come an economic plum, possibly divided up between Mexamerican and Metromex entrepreneurs. Whatever the outcome, people throughout North America will be affected; our futures are inextricably tied. Thus, it is to our mutual advan- tage to throw out the old maps we have of each other and begin to look anew at the regional realities that shape us. To do less would be un- neighborly, if not unwise. Further Reading Montgomery, T. S., eel. 1982. Mexico To day. Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues. Paz, Octavio. 1972. The Other J\-1exico: Critique of the Pyramid. Grove Press. Riding, Alan. 1985. Distant Neighbors: A Portrait of the Mexicans. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Spring 1987 9 r I f:ve Nations of Mexico
@ In many ways I found Louis B. Casagrande's "The Five Nations of Mexico" (Spring 1987), in which he cleverly borrows Joel Garreau's re- gional framework from The Nine Na- tions of North America, both fasci- nating and frustrating. It does seem 1orth questioning whether, as Cas- agrande claims, this use of "nations" to define regions offers a "more so- phisticated" means of assessing a for- eign culture region. The pedagogic advantage of the approach is perhaps easiest to appreciate. By generalizing large regional units as "nations," is no need to knowthe3'1 states fv d Mexico nor to comprehend their ' topography, climate, economy, and ethnic groups." Whole traditions and environments are lumped into con- venient, if not completely satisfying, packages-a sort of fast-food region- alism. This technique may be helpful in painting a quick portrait for the old colonial hearth areas of "New Spain" and but it complicating and ultimately breaks down in what Casagrande calls '' Mexamerica" and "Club Mex." The latter, a newly emerging nation according to the author, is a series of discontinuous units that by t (i) Casagrande's own admission are ; really colonies of Mexico City, as well as offshore enclaves for international investment and recreation. Since these subregions are relatively re- cent aberrations to the Mexican scene, their inclusion as a separate nation awaits the test of time. A more disturbing regionalization is Mexamerica, an area that encom- passes most of northern Mexico and parts of the American Southwest. i ;:,.. While it is inviting and currently lash- , 1$! ionable to consider lifeways and con- ditions as relatively similar on either side of the U.S.-Mexico border, closer inspection reveals that the two sides are sufficiently different to make such comparisons dubious. I ' I I I
recognize the argument that the bor- der is simply an inconvenience-that cultural and economic influences flow freely in both directions-but I question Casagrande's assertion that Los Angeles and San Antonio, for ex- ample, are part of the same nation as Monterrey and Tijuana. If anything, Monterrey is more like Mexico City than any U.S. city. I have never heard a Mexican refer to Los Angeles or San Antonio as Mexican cities, despite their recognizably large Mexican populations. To argue that juarez, Ti- juana, and Monterrey share a re- gional identity is a provocative asser- tion, but to claim that American cities are part of the same nation today seems to ignore political, social, and economic history. Casagrande may want Americans to come to grips with a dynamic and changing Mexico, but substituting one simplistic vision for another is not the means to this wor- thy goal. Once again, we seem to be imposing a gringo vision on our dis- tant neighbor. DANIEL D. ARREOLA Texas A & lvl University College Station It's unfortunate that the textbook writing on the geography of Latin America can't be of the genre of the article, "The Five Nations of Mexico." The division of Mexico into the five regions described is both innovative and intriguing. The writing is straightforward and informative. I made use of the concepts pre- sented in the article in a class that I taught at the University of the Amer- icas in Puebla, Mexico, earlier this year. I also intend to introduce them to a class on Middle America and the Caribbean to be given here this fall. OSCAR H. HORST Western Michigan University Kalamazoo The editor we/comes correspon- dence on topics related to FOCUS features. Letters may be edited for clarity and brevity. Quiz answers (from page 1) 1. E, K 2, b, c 3. c 4. F, K s . 6. d 7. A,C, H,M 8. b, d 9.' 10. A, D; H, I 11. 0, G 12. a, c, d 13. b 14. l 15. F, I Summer 1987 37